Rights for Baha'is and other citizens in Iran

Yaran_heads

The Baha'i International Community's open letter to Ayatollah Sadeq Larijani, head of Iran's judiciary, is wonderfully direct.

Having highlighted the utter injustice that has been meted out to Mrs. Fariba Kamalabadi, Mr. Jamaloddin Khanjani, Mr. Afif Naimi, Mr. Saeid Rezaie, Mrs. Mahvash Sabet, Mr. Behrouz Tavakkoli, and Mr. Vahid Tizfahm, the seven individuals who before their arrest were responsible, as the members of the group known as the Yaran, for administering the social and spiritual affairs of the Bahá’í community in Iran, and having highlighted their great suffering as they continue to languish in jail, the letter says this:

The Bahá’ís are not “others” in your country: they are an inseparable part of the Iranian nation. The injustices meted out to them are a reflection of the terrible oppression that has engulfed the nation. Your respect now for the rights of the Iranian Bahá’ís would signal a willingness to respect the rights of all the citizens of your country. Redressing the wrongs suffered by the Bahá’ís would bring hope to the hearts of all Iranians that you are ready to ensure justice for everyone. Our call, then, is in reality a call for respect of the rights of all the Iranian people.

Anyone who follows reports of the deteriorating human rights situation in Iran will have noted the increasingly arbitrary and cruel behaviour of the judges in Iran's Revolutionary Courts. These judges no longer seem to consider the law as passed by the Majlis (the Iranian parliament) and set down in print as binding on them. They give verdicts and hand down sentences according to their own prejudices.

Constructive resistance to persecution 

I was struck by this passage from the Baha'i International Community's letter:

Consider how the members of the Bahá’í community are continually forced to withstand the slander of their beliefs and the distortion of their history in government-supported mass media; to endure provocations in the streets, from the pulpits, and with the support of certain officials, that incite hatred against them; to suffer illegal imprisonment; to see themselves denied access to higher education and to the means of earning a livelihood; to have their children suffer abuse and vilification in schools; and to witness their properties destroyed and their cemeteries desecrated with the support and approval of government authorities. Yet, what results have such efforts yielded? The response of the Bahá’ís of Iran to the persecution they have suffered in recent decades has made them, in the eyes of the Iranian population, embodiments of unyielding attachment to spiritual principle and of constructive resistance to oppression. What is more, it has brought about a heightened desire among that population to become acquainted with the verities of their Faith.

The experience of the Baha'is throughout a century and a half of persecution demonstrates beyond a peradventure that it is possible for a persecuted community (and its individual members) to stick to its foundational principles, to hold its head up while constructively resisting oppression. No violence, no demonstrations, just "unyielding attachment to spiritual principles" and a determination to continue to be of service to their fellow Iranians, despite the worst that can be thrown at them.

It was precisely this that Roxana Saberi, the Iranian American journalist who was imprisoned in Iran last year, found when she shared a cell in Evin prison with Mrs Kamalabadi and Mrs Sabet, two members of the Yaran. Roxana told the story in the Washington Post on 28 August:

For several weeks last year, I shared a cell in Tehran's notorious Evin prison with Mahvash Sabet and Fariba Kamalabadi, two leaders of Iran's minority Bahai faith. I came to see them as my sisters, women whose only crimes were to peacefully practice their religion and resist pressure from their captors to compromise their principles. For this, apparently, they and five male colleagues were sentenced this month to 20 years in prison.

I had heard about Mahvash and Fariba before I met them. Other prisoners spoke of the two middle-aged mothers whose high spirits lifted the morale of fellow inmates.

...my cellmates' spirits would not be broken, and they boosted mine. They taught me to, as they put it, turn challenges into opportunities -- to make the most of difficult situations and to grow from adversity. We kept a daily routine, reading the books we were eventually allowed and discussing them; exercising in our small cell; and praying -- they in their way, I in mine. They asked me to teach them English and were eager to learn vocabulary for shopping, cooking and traveling. They would use the new words one day, they told me, when they journeyed abroad. But the two women also said they never wanted to live overseas. They felt it their duty to serve not only Bahais but all Iranians.

Later, when I went on a hunger strike, Mahvash and Fariba washed my clothes by hand after I lost my energy and told me stories to keep my mind off my stomach. Their kindness and love gave me sustenance.

Roxana closes her article by quoting what these women told her:

We believe in love and compassion for humanity, they said, even for those who wrong us.

This is unyielding attachment to spiritual principle and demonstrates constructive resistance to persecution.

Litmus test

Litmus-paper

For historical reasons, the treatment of the Baha'is in Iran is truly a litmus test of the the Iranian authorities' regard for human rights, for freedom of religion, for freedom of speech, and for the rule of law for all Iranian citizens. The Baha'is will probably be the last group to have their rights recognised - if the Baha'is are emancipated, everyone else will have been emancipated.

As things stand, the litmus paper has turned red.

Reciprocity

I'd just like to highlight one other point. In the final paragraph of its letter, the Baha'i International Community points out the need for reciprocity:

We likewise request that the Bahá’ís in that country be granted their full rights of citizenship, in order that they may be able to fulfill their heartfelt aspiration to contribute, alongside their fellow citizens, to the advancement of their nation. This, indeed, is no more than what you rightfully ask for Muslim minorities who reside in other lands. Bahá’ís merely seek the same treatment from you.

Islamic governments are never backward in calling for rights of Muslim minorities in the West. Well, that call cuts both ways. Islamic governments must reciprocate by ensuring that the rights of Baha'is, Christians and other minorities in their countries are protected.

BBC’s Nicky Campbell: Christians feel persecuted by human rights law and councils - Telegraph

BBC’s Nicky Campbell: Christians feel persecuted by human rights law and councils

Christians in Britain are feeling persecuted because of “paradoxical” human rights laws and the ignorance of local councils, according to a major BBC documentary to be broadcast on Easter Sunday.

By Martin Beckford, Religious Affairs Correspondent

Nicky Campbell: Nicky Campbell shocks Radio 5 Live listeners by swearing
Nicky Campbel Photo: BBC

Nicky Campbell, the presenter of the corporation’s flagship programme for Holy Week, argues that Labour’s anti-discrimination legislation has led to clashes between religious conscience and equality for homosexuals.

He blames local authorities for rebranding Christmas celebrations as winter festivals because of a misguided belief that they are standing up for minority faiths.

Campbell, the Radio 5 Live presenter, also highlights the French and Russian revolutions as examples of what can happen when religion is pushed out of public life.

He concludes that although Christians do not face violence and suppression in Britain as they do abroad, their treatment can seem unfair in a modern democracy.

Campbell says: “So, are Christians being persecuted? No they’re not being tortured or killed like Christians in Pakistan and the Sudan.

“But a minority believes they are being sidelined and victimised. By the standards of a liberal society that can feel like persecution.”

However he adds that this may be a “source of strength” for churchgoers, who thrived in ancient Rome in the face of persecution.

The hour-long programme, called Are Christians Being Persecuted?, looks into widespread claims that the faith is being driven out of public life in Britain while its followers are being treated less fairly than minority groups.

After watching this programme last night, I could only conclude that Christians in the UK are not persecuted. Persecution is what happens in places like Iran, where Baha'is (and Christians too, no doubt) are in fear of their lives, are chucked out of jobs and universities and schools because of their faith; where the faith's leadership is held in prison for prolonged periods on spurious charges and face trial in a court that does not follow anything like due process; where Baha'is are legally defined as "unprotected infidels" and can be murdered with impunity.

That's persecution.

Some Christians in the UK do appear to be facing forms of discrimination. Some of this may arise because of one-sided and over-zealous application of equalities legislation in such a way that the human right of "Freedom of conscience, thought and religion" is played down in favour of other human rights.

Describing the anti-discrimination laws brought in “to make Britain a more tolerant society” by protecting religious believers as well as homosexuals, the presenter claims: “The paradox is that these same laws that have left some Christians feeling like a persecuted minority.

“The problem is the legislation never made clear what would happen in the event of a clash. Whose human right would take priority over the other?”

Campbell cites the terror and totalitarianism that sprung up in France and Russia after their revolutions abolished religion and says: “The guiding principle of ‘liberalism’ - a commitment to tolerance ... to live and let live, has an inherent flaw.

“It’s less inclined to argue against strong competing ideologies – religious or otherwise.”

"Human Rights and Westernizing Illusion" - article by Amartya Sen

Human Rights and the Westernizing Illusion

Amartya Sen

 

[AMARTYA SEN is Master of Trinity College at Cambridge University and former Lamont University Professor at Harvard. This article is a revised version of the Commencement Address given at Bard College on May 24, 1997. It originally appeared in the Harvard International Review, Summer 98, Vol. 20 Issue 3.]


Is it right, the question is often asked, that non-Western societies should be encouraged and pressed to conform to "Western values of liberty and freedom"? Is this not cultural imperialism? The answer, of course, is that the notion of human rights builds on the idea of a shared humanity. These rights are not derived from citizenship of any country, or membership of any nation, but taken as entitlements of every human being. The concept of universal human rights is, in this sense, a uniting idea. Yet the subject of human rights has ended up being a veritable battleground of political debates and ethical disputes, particularly in their application to non-Western societies. Why so?

The explanation for this is sometimes sought in the cultural differences that allegedly divide the world, a theory referred to as the "clash of civilizations" or a "battle between cultures." It is often asserted that Western countries recognize many human rights, related for example to political liberty, that have no great appeal in Asian countries. Many people see a big divide here. The temptation to think in these regional and cultural terms is extremely strong in the contemporary world.

Are there really such firm differences on this subject in terms of traditions and cultures across the world? It is certainly true that governmental spokesmen in several Asian countries have not only disputed the relevance and cogency of universal human rights, they have frequently done this disputing in the name of "Asian values," as a contrast with Western values. The claim is that in the system of so- called Asian values, for example in the Confucian system, there is greater emphasis on order and discipline, and less on rights and freedoms.

Many Asian spokesmen have gone on to argue that the call for universal acceptance of human rights reflects the imposition of Western values on other cultures. For example, the censorship of the press may be more acceptable, it is argued, in Asian society because of its greater emphasis on discipline and order. This position was powerfully articulated by a number of governmental spokesmen from Asia at the Vienna Conference on Human Rights in 1993. Some positive things happened at that conference, including the general acceptance of the importance of eliminating economic deprivation and some recognition of social responsibility in this area. But on the subject of political and civil rights the conference split through the middle, largely on regional lines, with several Asian governments rejecting the recognition of basic political and civil rights.

If one influence in separating out human rights as specifically "Western" comes from the pleading of governmental spokesmen from Asia, another influence relates to the way this issue is perceived in the West itself. There is a tendency in Europe and the United States to assume, if only implicitly, that it is in the West--and only in the West--that human rights have been valued from ancient times. This allegedly unique feature of Western civilization has been, it is assumed, an alien concept elsewhere. By stressing regional and cultural specificities, these Western theories of the origin of human rights tend to reinforce, rather inadvertently, the disputation of universal human rights in non- Western societies. By arguing that the valuing of toleration, personal liberty, and civil rights is a particular contribution of Western civilization, Western advocates of these rights often give ammunition to the non-Western critics of human rights. The advocacy of an allegedly "alien" idea in non-Western societies can indeed look like cultural imperialism sponsored by the West.

How much truth is there in this grand cultural dichotomy between Western and non-Western civilizations on the subject of liberty and rights? I believe there is rather little sense in such a grand dichotomy. Neither the claims in favor of the specialness of "Asian values" by governmental spokesmen from Asia, nor the particular claims for the uniqueness of "Western values" by spokesmen from Europe and America can survive much historical examination and critical scrutiny.

In seeing Western civilization as the natural habitat of individual freedom and political democracy, there is a tendency to extrapolate backwards from the present. Values that the European Enlightenment and other recent developments since the eighteenth century have made common and widespread are often seen, quite arbitrarily, as part of the long- run Western heritage, experienced in the West over millennia. The concept of universal human rights in the broad general sense of entitlements of every human being is really a relatively new idea, not to be much found either in the ancient West or in ancient civilizations elsewhere.

There are, however, other ideas, such as the value of toleration, or the importance of individual freedom, which have been advocated and defended for a long time, often for the selected few. For example, Aristotle's writings on freedom and human flourishing provide good background material for the contemporary ideas of human rights. But there are other Western philosophers (Plato and St. Augustine, for example) whose preference for order and discipline over freedom was no less pronounced than Confucius' priorities. Also, even those in the West who did emphasize the value of freedom did not, typically, see this as a fight of all human beings. Aristotle's exclusion of women and slaves is a good illustration of this non-universality.

In this excellent article Amartya Sen rebuts the notion that human rights require the adoption of "Western values" and argues the values and concepts that underpin human rights as we currently understand them are really universal.

It is well worth reading the whole article.

Read more on my blog, Barnabas Quotidianus.